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Market Penetration Experiences with Technology Products Several patterns are evident in the market penetration history of major products. A number of observers have pointed to acceleration in the speed of market penetration of new products in recent decades and years. A somewhat different perspective emerges when account is taken of the properties of the products. Market penetration was slower in electricity, automobile and telephone (land line) than some recent products because they required the development of extensive infrastructure before use could become widespread. Cable proliferated more slowly than other electronic technologies because it woo required the build out of infrastructure, but it developed somewhat more rapidly than the earlier technologies cited. Cell phones, which required towers and overcoming objections to siting, did not require lines to each building and advanced much more rapidly. Product extensions and
peripherals have been accepted more rapidly than the initial products. Color
TV came in faster than black and white. VCRs grew faster than TVs. Broadband
Internet use came in faster than dial-up Internet via cable because it could
piggy-back on the cable infrastructure. Numerous electronic products have penetrated markets rapidly, including PDAs, digital cameras, music players and personal GPS devices. The pace of market penetration was somewhat slower for personal computers, a development that may reflect both their higher sticker price and the associated learning curve. A major factor in the growth of these markets is the rapid and sustained declines in price that have been achieved in areas of electronics where competition has prevailed. In areas that have been more insulated from competition, notably defense and some medical applications, price declines have not been as rapid. The overall impression from these experiences is that there has been an acceleration of the rate of market penetration of new products. However, much of the apparent acceleration is because, in the electronic age, many more of the products do not require such gradual infrastructure deployment and therefore are associated with rapid acceptance. Of course, some of the more rapid deployment of modern infrastructure is its electronic nature as well. Faster penetration when there is a less steep learning curve is the most important conclusion for L2C because of the familiarity of many users with it and the installed base of receivers that are L2C capable.
Source of graph: IBM Global Innovation Outlook 2004, p.6, based on Joseph
Jacobsen, Organizational and Innovation Diffusion
Summary of Experiences with Market Penetration The pace of market penetration has accelerated. Slower penetration where extensive and costly infrastructure is required for widespread use. Product extensions and peripherals ar accepted more rapidly than original products Faster penetration comes with lower prices due to technology and competition. Faster penetration comes when there is a less steep learning curve. Business, Market and Competitive Consequences of an Information Economy Business Operations The growth of the information economy is associated with many powerful developments:
Effects on Products and Markets
Network externalities are evident in services such as telephone, fax and e-mail. Of course, network externalities are at the heart of the growth of the Internet. Demand increases as more people are using the same product and because when they do the markets become more attractive to suppliers. For example, as viewers increased, more TV programming came in, leading to even more viewers. Bandwagon and other social effects can further reinforce demand as well. Network externalities make demand for products more price-sensitive since lower prices that add customers lead to even more customers. Economies in production, especially those from low costs of adding users, can interact with demand economies from network externalities to produce rapid growth in the number of users. They also can bring about major changes in ways of doing business. Concentration and Competition Some analysts have been concerned that the concentration of markets that results from the benefits of a large network can lead to monopoly. When technological change is strong and growth is rapid, competition may be great enough to prevent substantial monopoly effects from developing. Challengers may invest heavily in seeking to attain the efficiencies of large size and preserve competition in the process ¾ what Hal Varian calls "competing for monopoly." Eventually, however, as a technology becomes mature and/or growth slows down, and as less successful competitors are weakened, the possibility of monopolistic effects increases. In a period of rapid technological change, several technologies often emerge that can perform some of the same functions, such as a use of telephone, cable and wireless for Internet connections. Competition among technologies can greatly lengthen the period of time during which strong competition persists as long as owners of one technological franchise do not become the dominant owners of competing technological franchises. Rapid technological change has been associated with pressures to reduce regulation and lower trade barriers to increase competition and efficiency. Rapid technological change, especially in information technology, has been a major contributor to the global increase in reliance on markets. As firms have globalized in the processes, that has brought some movement toward international convergence in the structure of firms and important changes in the relationships of firms to governments. December 10, 2002 The Capital Gains Chase The following was written after the 2000 stock market collapse: The specula Devices One impetus to the shift to capital gains income was the 1993 IRS ruling that the maximum tax-deductible salary a company can pay and employee is $1 million per year. Above that level, compensation had to be performance-related for the company to be able to deduct the cost. The ruling led to a grat expansion in the use of stock options to meet the "performance-related" criterion. The reduction in the top capital gains tax rate in 1997 also contributed to
emphasis on income in the form of capital gains. However, the change itself
reflected attitudes that had been building for a long time.
Others succumbed to the frenzy. Analysts were pressured for favorable ratings by the lure of investment banking business. Accounting firms were blinded by the desire for lucrative consulting contracts. The public got equally caught up in the capital gains chase. Stock ownership grew to unprecedented levels, as did the share of portfolios invested in equities. A rising share of equity portfolios was in more speculative investments. The highest stock prices got, the more people jump in. Investment analysts and others on Wall Street both help to create the crescendo and joined in.
Consequences The results of the capital gains chase have become painfully clear. They include:
Responses and Prospects Some important changes are taking place in accounting and reporting, in attitudes and leadership. The changes are incomplete and there are overreactions as well. As a result of the capital gains chase we can expect longer recovery in capital investment and in the economy. The growth of stock prices is likely to be slowed as people remain wary and as high valuations adjust. Rebuilding confidence and trust will take time. Can it happen again? Yes, more readily than the responses to recent problems would suggest, but not in so widespread a way or with such intensity for a long time. Excesses resulting from the capital gains chase could arise in new ways. They can manifest themselves in a premature stock market boom or real estate speculation, in risky international investments or in speculative uses of derivatives and other financial innovations. Double taxation of dividends remains. So does the use of share repurchases, which require less discipline than meeting dividend payments. Accounting has further to go to address issues of hidden liabilities and valuation of business assets whose worth can change abruptly. The underlying attitudes that produced the excesses have subsided but, contrary to the conventional wisdom, they are still with us. November 13, 2002, revised November 20, 2002 |
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